Implementing the New Reich in Britain (1979-
One-nation conservatism (also known as one-nationism, or Tory democracy) is a form of British political conservatism that views society as organic and values paternalism and pragmatism. The phrase “One-nation Tory” originated with Benjamin Disraeli (1804–1881), who served as the chief Conservative spokesman and became Prime Minister in February 1868. He devised it to appeal to working class men as a solution to worsening divisions in society through introducing factory and health Acts, as well as greater protection for workers.
As a political philosophy, one-nation conservatism reflects the belief that societies exist and develop organically, and that members within them have obligations towards each other. There is particular emphasis on the paternalistic obligation of those who are privileged and wealthy to the poorer parts of society.
The ideology featured heavily during Disraeli’s terms in government, during which considerable social reforms were passed. Towards the end of the 19th century, the party moved away from paternalism in favour of free market capitalism, but fears of extremism during the interwar period caused the revival of one-nation conservatism. The philosophy continued to be held by the Conservative party throughout the post-war consensus, influencing the decision to maintain Labour government keynesian intervention in the economy, forming a welfare state and National Health Service. Later years saw the rise of the New Right, which attributed the country’s social and economic troubles to one-nation conservatism. David Cameron, former leader of the Conservative Party, named Disraeli as his favourite Conservative and some commentators and MPs have suggested that Cameron’s ideology contains an element of one-nationism.Other commentators have questioned the degree to which Cameron and his coalition have embodied One-Nation Conservatism, instead locating them in the intellectual tradition of Thatcherism. In 2016, Cameron’s successor, Theresa May, referred to herself as a one-nation conservative in her first speech as prime minister and outlined her focus on social justice.
Seen from this perspective, all forms of Fascism have three common features: anticonservatism, a myth of ethnic or national renewal, and a conception of a nation in crisis.
Late 19th-Early 20th Century: Saw an increasing intellectual preoccupation with racial differences. From this development came Fascism’s tendency toward ethnocentrism—the belief in the superiority of a particular race.
The English-born German historian Houston Stewart Chamberlin, for example, proclaimed the superiority of the German race, arguing that Germans descended from genetically superior bloodlines.
Some early Fascists also interpreted Charles Darwin’s theory of evolution to mean that some races of people were inherently superior. They argued that this meant that the “survival of the fittest” required the destruction of supposedly inferior peoples.
Fascist movements surfaced in most European countries and in some former European colonies. The diversity of Fascist movements means that each has its own individual intellectual and cultural foundation. Some early Fascist movements were inspired in this period in pursuing social and political thought. In this period the French philosopher Georges Sorel built on earlier radical theories to argue that social change should be brought about through violent strikes and acts of sabotage organized by trade unions. Sorel’s emphasis on violence seems to have influenced some proponents of Fascism.
1980-1990s: In the same way, small Fascist groups in the United States in the 1980s and 1990s combined elements of neo-Nazi or Aryan paganism with Christianity. In all these cases, however, the Fascist movements have rejected the original spirit of Christianity by celebrating violence and racial purity.
1990s: Some modern forms of Fascism, in fact, preach a “love of difference” and emphasize the need to preserve distinct ethnic identities. As a result, these forms of Fascism strongly oppose immigration in order to maintain the purity of the nation. Some scholars term this approach differentialism, and point to right-wing movements in France during this period as examples of this form of Fascism.
980s: Since the 1980s some leading New Right intellectuals have moved away from the Fascist vision of a new historical era. However, the ideas that form the basis of the New Right movement continue to exert considerable influence on Fascist activists who wish to disguise their true agenda. One example is ‘Third Positionists’ who claim to reject capitalism and communism in their search for a ‘third way’ based on revolutionary nationalism.
1980s-1990s: The movement carried out repeated acts of violence and sabotage in the 1980s and especially the 1990s, but remained a minor political force. South Africa’s political reforms in the 1990s led to the further reduction in support for the Afrikaner Resistance Movement. In other countries, widespread hostility to Fascism made it impossible to create a mass movement coordinated by a paramilitary political party, as Nazi Germany’s National Socialists or Romania’s Iron Guard had been.
A loose alliance of antigovernment racists became America’s most significant neo-Fascist movement.
Early 1990s: In Germany, Fascist groups in this period launched scores of firebomb attacks against the homes of immigrants, sometimes killing residents. Fascism stood apart from regimes that are based on racism but did not pursue the goal of creating a revolutionary new order. During this period, some national factions in Bosnia and Herzegovina engaged in ethnic cleansing, the violent removal of targeted ethnic groups with the objective of creating an ethnically pure territory.
Mid 1990s: The MSI managed to widen its support significantly when it renounced the goals of historic Italian Fascism and changed its name to the National Alliance (Alleanza Nazionale, or AN). Although the AN presents itself as comparable to other right-wing parties, its programs still retain significant elements of their Fascist origins. During the 1990s several other extreme- right parties gained significant mass support, including the Republicans (Die Republikaner) in Germany, the National Front (Front National, or FN) in France, the Freedom Movement (Die Freiheitlichen) in Austria, the Flemish Bloc (Vlaams Blok) in Belgium, and the Liberal Democratic Party in Russia.
1995: For instance, Fascist beliefs motivated the 1995 bombing of the federal building in Oklahoma City, Oklahoma, that killed 168 people and wounded more than 500 others.
1997: In Denmark, for example, a Fascist group was accused of sending bombs through the mail to assassinate political opponents. In the United States, Fascists have assaulted and killed African Americans, Jews, and other minorities, and set off scores of bombs. Small Fascist groups also present a threat because the fliers they distribute and the marches and meetings they hold can create a local climate of racial intolerance. This encourages discrimination ranging from verbal abuse to murder.
1999: Inspired by Nazi ideals of ethnic cleansing, Fascist groups conducted a series of bomb attacks in London. The attacks were directed against ethnic minorities, gays, and lesbians. The Serbian government’s insistence upon pursuing this policy against ethnic Albanians in the province of Kosovo led to military intervention by the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO). But unlike Fascist movements, the national factions in Yugoslavia did not set out to destroy all democratic institutions. Instead these brutal movements hoped to create ethnically pure democracies, even though they used violence and other antidemocratic methods.
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