Katja Kipping übt in der Pressekonferenz scharfe Kritik an der neuen Bundesregierung: “Die Große Koalition startet ihre Regierungszeit mit einer Woche voller Ausfälligkeiten. Da wird auf Hartz-IV-Betroffene, Frauenrechte, Andersgläubige und Geflüchtete eingedroschen. Unangetastet bleiben der skandalöse Reichtum oder die extrem hohen Manager-Boni. Hier zeigt sich, welches Programm diese neue Bundesregierung steht: Treten nach unten und Buckeln gegenüber den Superreichen.” Weitere Themen waren der Einmarsch türkischer Truppen in die kurdische Stadt Afrin sowie der Wahlerfolg des LINKEN Oberbürgermeisterkandidaten René Wilke in Frankfurt (Oder).
Founder member of Die linke
The Left (German: Die Linke), also commonly referred to as the Left Party (German: die Linkspartei, pronounced [diː ˈlɪŋkspaʁˌtaɪ̯] ( listen)), is a democratic socialist and left-wing populist political party in Germany. The party was founded in 2007 as the merger of the Party of Democratic Socialism (PDS) and the Electoral Alternative for Labour and Social Justice (WASG).
Since mid-2012, its co-chairs have been Katja Kipping and Bernd Riexinger. In the Bundestag the party won 64 out of 630 seats after polling 8.6% of the vote in the 2013 federal elections and, after the Social Democrats and the CDU/CSU formed a grand coalition, became leader of the opposition. In the 2017 elections, the party acquired 69 out of 709 seats after receiving 9.2% of the vote.. Its parliamentary group is the fifth largest among the six groups in the German Bundestag, ahead of the Greens. The Left is a founding member of the Party of the European Left, and is the largest party in the European United Left–Nordic Green Left (GUE/NGL) group in the European Parliament.
The party is the most left-wing party of the six represented in the Bundestag, and has been called far-left by news outlets such as the British newspaper The Guardian, but according to the German Federal Office for the Protection of the Constitution (Verfassungschutz), the party is not to be regarded as extremely left or a threat to democracy. However, it does monitor some of its internal factions, such as Socialist Left, as do some states’ similar authorities, on account of suspected extremist tendencies.
The party participates in governments in the states of Brandenburg, as junior partner to the Social Democratic Party of Germany (SPD); Thuringia with the SPD and The Greens in a three-party coalition with The Left parliamentarian Bodo Ramelow serving as Minister-President; and Berlin with the SPD and Greens in a three-party coalition, led by Michael Müller of the SPD.
The Peaceful Revolution in East Germany which led to the replacement of Communist leader Erich Honecker in October 1989 led to a new generation of politicians in East Germany’s ruling Socialist Unity Party (SED) who looked to Soviet President Mikhail Gorbachev‘s glasnost and perestroika as their model for political change. They had mostly kept their own counsel during the Honecker era. However, the upheaval in the wake of the fall of the Berlin Wall gave them an opening.
Longtime SED politician Hans Modrow, attorney Gregor Gysi and dissidents like Rudolf Bahro and Stefan Heym soon began to rebuild a party that had long been known as one of the most rigidly Stalinist parties in the Soviet bloc. After protests, the party was forced to give up its monopoly of power on 1 December 1989. Honecker’s successor, Egon Krenz, resigned two days later, and Gysi was named party chairman. By the end of 1989, the last hardline members of the party’s Central Committee had either resigned or been pushed out. In 1990, 95% of SED’s 2.3 million members had left the party.
By the time of a special congress in December 1989, the party was no longer a Marxist–Leninist party, though neo-Marxist and communist minority factions continued to be part of the party. At the congress, the party adopted a program of democratic reform. To try to distance itself from its repressive past and repair its reputation with the public, the party renamed itself “Socialist Unity Party-Party of Democratic Socialism”, but dropped the SED part altogether in February 1990. Gysi remained its leader, and soon became one of the most well-known faces within German politics.
By the end of February, the PDS had expelled most of the remaining prominent Communist-era leaders from its ranks – including Honecker and Krenz. However, this was not enough to save the party when it faced the voters at the 18 March general election, the first (and as it turned out, only) free election in East Germany. The party came in a distant third with 16.4% of the vote, behind the East German branches of the West German-based Christian Democratic Union and Social Democratic Party. The two major parties formed a grand coalition, led by the Alliance for Germany, built around the East German CDU, which meant the PDS was the main opposition party.
Up to 2005
In the first all-German Bundestag elections in 1990, the PDS won 2.4% of the nationwide vote. Under normal circumstances, a party must win at least five percent of the vote to qualify for mixed member proportional representation in the Bundestag. However, for the 1990 elections only, a one-time exception allowed eastern-based parties to qualify for list representation if they won at least five percent of the vote in the former East Germany. Also, Gysi was elected from a Berlin-area district; representatives elected directly through the “First Vote” are always guaranteed a seat regardless of their party’s national vote. As a result, the PDS entered the 1990 Bundestag with 17 deputies led by Gysi, albeit without the privileges afforded to parliamentary groups.
In the 1994 federal election the PDS managed to increase its share of the vote to 4.4 percent. This was in spite of an aggressive “Red Socks” campaign organised against the PDS by the then-ruling CDU aimed at scaring off voters by insinuating that underneath their suits, representatives of the PDS were “still wearing red socks”—i.e., harboring hardline Communist convictions. More importantly, Gysi was reelected from his Berlin-area seat, and three other candidates were elected from eastern electoral districts. This allowed the PDS to qualify for MMP even though it came up just short of the five percent threshold. Parties with at least three directly elected seats enter the Bundestag with their full contingent of representatives corresponding to the party’s popular vote count, even if it falls short of the normal threshold. The PDS thus entered the new Bundestag with an enlarged caucus of 30 deputies.
In 1998, the party reached its highest result to date, with 37 deputies elected on 5.1% of the national vote, thus qualifying for full parliamentary status in the Bundestag. Gysi’s resignation in 2000 after losing a policy debate with leftist factions brought conflict to the PDS. In the 2002 federal election, the party’s share of the vote declined to 4.0% and the PDS was represented only by two backbenchers elected directly from their districts, Petra Pau and Gesine Lötzsch.
After the 2002 debacle, the PDS adopted a new program and installed long-time Gysi ally Lothar Bisky as chairman. In the 2004 elections to the European Parliament, the PDS won 6.1% of the vote nationwide, its highest share at that time in a federal election. Its electoral base in the eastern German states continued to grow, until it ranked as the third strongest party in the east, behind the CDU and SPD. However, low membership and voter support in Germany’s western states continued to plague the party until it formed an electoral alliance in July 2005 with the newly formed Electoral Alternative for Labour and Social Justice (WASG), a party largely consisting of dissident Social Democrats, trade union members, and an assortment of radical leftists.
Alliance with the WASG
After negotiations, the PDS and WASG agreed on terms for a combined ticket to compete in the 2005 federal election and pledged to unify into a single left-wing party during 2007. According to the pact, the parties did not compete against each another in any district. Instead, WASG candidates—including the former SPD leader, Oskar Lafontaine—were nominated on the PDS electoral list. To symbolise the new relationship and to further try and distance itself from its past, the PDS changed its name to The Left Party.PDS (Linkspartei.PDS) or simply The Left.PDS, with the letters “PDS” optional in western states where many voters still regarded the PDS with suspicion.
The alliance benefited from a strong electoral base in the east and WASG’s growing voter potential in the west. Gregor Gysi, returning to public life only months after brain surgery and two heart attacks, shared the spotlight with Lafontaine as co-leader of the party.
Polls early in the summer showed the unified Left list winning as much as 12 percent of the vote, and for a time it seemed possible the party would surge past the established Alliance ’90/The Greens and right–liberal Free Democratic Party and become the third-strongest faction of the Bundestag. Alarmed by the Left’s unexpected rise in the polls, Germany’s mainstream politicians attacked Lafontaine and Gysi as “leftist populists” and “demagogues” and accused the party of flirting with neo-Nazi voters. A gaffe by Lafontaine, who described “foreign workers” as a threat in one speech early in the campaign, provided ammunition for charges that The Left was attempting to exploit German xenophobia and anti-democratic populism to attract voters from the far-right.
In spite of all this, in the 2005 elections the Left Party became the fourth largest party in the Bundestag with 8.7% of the nationwide vote and 53 seats. Negotiations on unification between Left Party. PDS and WASG continued through the next year until the two forces reached agreement on 27 March 2007. The joint party—now called simply “The Left”—celebrated its founding congress on 16 June in Berlin.
The unified party soon became an electoral force in Western Germany for the first time, winning a small number of seats in state elections in Bremen, Lower Saxony, Hesse and Hamburg. The “five-party system” in Germany was now a reality in the west as well as the east.
A string of electoral successes followed in the “Super Election Year” of 2009. In the campaign for seats in the European Parliament, The Left party won 7.5% of the vote nationwide, continuing a steady upward trend in European elections (1994: 4.7%, 1999: 5.8%, 2004: 6.1%). In six state elections, the party either surged ahead or consolidated earlier gains, increasing its vote in Thuringia and Hesse, and winning seats for the first time in Schleswig Holstein. In Saarland, the party became a significant force for the first time in a western state, winning 19.2% of the vote and taking third place ahead of the Free Democratic Party and the Greens. In Saxony and Brandenburg, the party’s vote declined slightly while it remained the second largest political force in both states.
The electoral collapse of the Social Democratic Party in the federal election on 27 September 2009 gave The Left an unprecedented opportunity. The party’s vote surged to 11.9 percent, increasing its representation in the Bundestag from 54 to 76 seats. It remains the second largest opposition party.
2010 presidential election
Ahead of the 2010 presidential election, Social Democrats and Greens invited the Left to vote for their candidate, Joachim Gauck. They proposed the election of the civil rights activist and former Federal Commissioner for the Stasi Records as a possibility for the Left to leave their communist past behind them and show unconditional support for democracy. Die Linke refused to support either Gauck, or conservative Christian Wulff, the favourite of the chancellor, but put forward their own nominee, television journalist Luc Jochimsen. The Left declared it impossible to vote for Gauck, as he had supported the German commitment in the Afghan War and had attacked the post-communists. The red-green camp reacted disappointed. SPD chairman Sigmar Gabriel described Die Linke’s position as “bizarre and embarrassing,” stating that he was “shocked” that the party would declare Joachim Gauck their main enemy due to his investigation of communist injustice. According to Gabriel, Die Linke had manifested itself once again as the successor of the East German communist party. Social Democrats and Greens expected the Left to support Gauck at least in the decisive third round of the election. But after Jochimsen had withdrawn, most Left electoral delegates abstained. Wulff was elected by an absolute majority.
Since 2012 presidential election
The party was isolated ahead of the 2012 presidential election, as the government invited SPD and Greens, but not Die Linke, to agree on an all-party consensus candidate for President. The CDU/CSU and FDP government parties, and the SPD and the Greens, eventually agreed on Joachim Gauck, the SPD’s and the Greens’ preferred candidate. Die Linke again refused to support him. The SPD chairman, Sigmar Gabriel, criticized Die Linke and claimed the reason for the party’s rejection of Gauck was its “sympathy for the German Democratic Republic.” On 11 April 2012 the chairwoman of the party, Gesine Lötzsch, declared her resignation as a chairwoman of the party.
In the 2013 Federal election, The Left lost some voters to receive 8.59% of the national vote, for 64 MPs. Due to the Conservatives and the Social Democrats forming a Grand Coalition, The Left became the main opposition party.
In the 2014 European parliament elections, The Left received 7.4% of the national vote, returning 7 MEPs. After the election in Thüringen of the state parliament Bodo Ramelowwas the first “Ministerpräsident” of the party. He was voted by the SPD and the Alliance 90/The Greens, too.
The Left aims for democratic socialism in order to overcome capitalism. As a platform for left politics in the wake of globalization, The Left includes many different factions, ranging from communists to social democrats. In March 2007, during the joint party convention of Left Party and WASG, a document outlining political principles was agreed on. The official program of the party was decided upon by an overwhelming majority at the party conference in October 2011 in Erfurt, Thuringia.
The party’s fiscal policies are based on Keynesian economics, originating from the 1930s when governments responded to the Great Depression. The central bank and government should collaborate with expansionary fiscal and monetary policies in order to ameliorate business cycles, to support economic growth, and to reduce unemployment. Wage rises in the private sector should be determined through the productivity growth, the target inflation rate of the European Central Bank, and master contracts.
The party aims at increasing government spending in the areas of public investments, education, research and development, culture, and infrastructure, as well as increasing taxes for large corporations. It calls for increases in inheritance tax rates and the reinstatement of the individual “net worth” tax. The Left aims at a linear income tax progression, which would reduce the tax burden for lower incomes, while raising the middle- and top-income tax rates. The combating of tax loopholes is a perennial issue, as The Left believes that they primarily benefit people with high incomes.
The financial markets should be subject to heavier government regulation, with the goal, among others, to reduce the speculation of bonds and derivatives. The party wants to strengthen anti-trust laws and empower cooperatives to decentralise the economy. Further economic reforms shall include solidarity and more self-determination for workers, a ban on gas and oil fracking, the rejection of privatization and the introduction of a federal minimum wage, and more generally the overthrow of property and power structures in which, citing Karl Marx‘s aphorism, “man is a debased, enslaved, abandoned, despicable essence”.
Concerning foreign policy, The Left calls for international disarmament, while ruling out any form of involvement of the Bundeswehr outside of Germany. The party calls for a replacement of NATO with a collective security system including Russia as a member country. German foreign policy should be strictly confined to the goals of civil diplomacy and cooperation, instead of confrontation.
The Left supports further debt cancellations for developing countries and increases in development aid, in collaboration with the United Nations, World Trade Organization, World Bank, and diverse bilateral treaties among countries. The party supports reform of the United Nations as long as it is aimed at a fair balance between developed and developing countries. All American military bases within Germany, and if possible in the European Union, enacted within a binding treaty, shall be dissolved. The Left welcomes the European process of integration, while opposing what it believes to be neoliberal policies in the European Union. The party strives for the democratisation of the EU institutions and a stronger role of the United Nations in international politics. The Left opposed both the War in Afghanistan and in Iraq, as well as the Lisbon Treaty.
The party has a mixed stance towards the recent Ukraine crisis. Gregor Gysi has described Russia as “state capitalist”, and the party has called Russia annexation of Crimea and alleged involvement in eastern Ukraine “illegal”. However, Gysi has noted that “older” elements of the party have a strong penchant for Russia and the Soviet Union. The party declared in May 2014 that Ukraine shouldn’t receive any kind of support from Germany as long as there are “fascists” inside its government.
The Left Party’s position as the successor party of the SED of the former German Democratic Republic and its positions have often led to controversy, and to the party being observed by the Verfassungsschutz authorities.
In 2001, Gabi Zimmer, the head of the Left Party’s predecessor PDS at the time, officially recognized the injustice of building the Berlin Wall in 1961, but she did not apologize on behalf of the Party.
Observation by Verfassungsschutz
Germany operates a system of “Verfassungsschutz” (Protection of the Constitution) at both federal level (Bundesamt für Verfassungsschutz, BfV) and state level (Landesbehörden für Verfassungsschutz, LfV), which carries out domestic surveillance of actual and suspected activities which may threaten the “free and democratic basic order” (“freiheitlich-demokratische Grundordnung”) at the core of the German constitution. The Left Party, including one third of its members of parliament, and some of its caucuses remain under observation by the BfV, listed in the annual Verfassungsschutzbericht under the heading “left-extremist tendencies and suspected cases”. The 2007 report cites as evidence of the party’s “extremism” Lothar Bisky‘s June 2007 statement that democratic socialism remains the party’s goal: “We also still discuss the change of property and power relations […]. We question the system.” However, the report notes that in practice the parliamentary party appears as to act as a “reform-oriented” left force. In addition, the report cites “openly extremist groupings” within the party, notably the Marxist–Leninist Communist Platform, which in Sahra Wagenknecht has a representative on the 44-member Left Party executive.One former Bundestag deputy, Bodo Ramelow, was under BfV surveillance until a court decision in January 2008 that the observation was illegal.
The Left is also under observation by four western CDU/CSU-governed states, where party in its entirety is considered to be extremist (Lower Saxony, Hesse, Baden-Württemberg and Bavaria). Saarland ceased observation of The Left in January 2008. By contrast, in the five eastern states The Left is not under surveillance, with the local LfVs seeing no indication of anti-constitutional behaviour of the party as a whole. However the small “Communist Platform”—a hardline communist minority faction within the party—is under observation in three eastern states.
In January 2012, it became known that more than one third of the party’s MPs were observed by the federal Verfassungsschutz due to suspected extremist views. This was ruled to be unconstitutional by the BVerfG in 2013. Subsequently, Federal Minister of the interior Thomas de Maizière declared in 2014 that no Bundestag members of the Left would be under surveillance by the BfV from then on, even if they are members of the Communist Platform or comparable extreme Left factions.
2007 walkout in Saxon Parliament
On 3 October 2007, during a commemoration ceremony in the Saxon Parliament in memory of the German reunification and the fall of the German Democratic Republic, all members of The Left walked out in protest. The Left was upset that Joachim Gauck, the former Federal Commissioner for the Stasi Records and later President of Germany, was invited to deliver a speech.
More Germans Turning to Left- and Right-Wing Extremism